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Top 10 at 10: Kohler puts the boot into NZ; Big US bank collapse coming; AK47 prices jump
Here's my top 10 links from around the Internet at 10 am. I welcome your suggestions in the comments below. 1. Alan Kohler from BusinessSpectator also does a regular video with ABC news in Australia. In this video from Friday he puts the boot into New Zealand's poor economic performance, with some justification. In this commentary at BusinessSpectator he does it in much more detail and lumps us in with Fiji. Thanks Alan.
2. John Key tells the FT.com in an interview (behind their subscription firewall) that the government will not be delivering any more fiscal stimulus in its May 28 budget because New Zealand did not want to provoke Standard and Poor's into downgrading our credit rating. Here's our version of the story. 3. A detailed discussion over at Mike Shedlock's Mish's Global Economic Trend Analysis about recent signs of deflation globally. Here's his conclusions and a frightening chart showing money supply growth so far out of step with historic norms as to be ludicrous.

This expansion of money to bailout banks is not going to cause hyperinflation or even strong inflation for reasons outlined in Fiat World Mathematical Model. However, these foolish actions cannot possibly do anything good for the majority of taxpayers. All it can do is prolong the recession (depression) and increase national debt just as happened with Japan's deflation fighting efforts.
4. Felix Salmon at Reuters has an excellent think piece on the fancy mathematical modeling that tripped up so many banks and hedge funds. He makes some interesting points about whether this reliance on risk modeling by banks should still be used as heavily as it is in Basel II. Here's a taste.
If the purpose of regulation is to avoid market failures, we cannot use, as the instruments of financial regulation, risk-models that rely on market prices, or any other instrument derived from market prices such as mark-to-market accounting. Market prices cannot save us from market failures. Yet, this is the thrust of modern financial regulation, which calls for more transparency on prices, more price-sensitive risk models and more price-sensitive prudential controls. These tools are like seat belts that stop working whenever you press hard on the accelerator. The problem is that it's very unclear what the alternative is. The lesson of the failure of Basel II is, indeed, that you can't trust banks to judge their own internal risks very well. But the whole reason why Basel II was created in the first place is that financial instruments are so complicated these days that it's very easy to do an end-run around simpler regulations. My feeling is that the best way to go is to set some very clear and simple rules, much as the Spanish central bank did, and refuse to allow banks to build enormous businesses doing things that the regulators don't understand. And secondly to place a cap on banks' balance sheets "” I think something around $300 billion is reasonable, and that there's no reason why any bank should be bigger than that.
5. I'm not sick. Really I'm not. That's the message from a stressed sounding ruler of Dubai in this Reuters story. If there is a bubble economy in the Middle East it is Dubai. 6. Paul Volcker has come back off his fishing trip and said the current US Federal Reserve Act should be reviewed after the Fed took on US$2.19 trillion of assets inside a year without Congressional approval, Bloomberg reports. 7. The always excellent Rolfe Winkler at Option ARMageddon points out BankUnited has been been given 20 days to live by US regulators, in this filing. BankUnited has US$14 billion of assets and if it fails it would be the biggest US banking collapse since WashingtonMutual. Here's the SEC filing Winkler gets his details from. 8. An interesting piece here on Portfolio.com about the creation of microcurrencies such as 'Craigbucks' for use on craigslist instead of the US dollar. Another sign that people are talking about the end of the hegemonic role of the US dollar. 9. Here's how Citigroup used some fuzzy (albeit legal) accounting methods to make a US$1.6 billion profit in the March quarter, according to the New York Times. I simply don't believe the US banking crisis is over. See link 7. 10. There is one item on sale in the United States where prices and volumes are booming: automatic weapons. Fearing Barack Obama will reimpose a ban on the sale of assault weapons, gun collectors et al are buying them up at a brisk rate. The price of a European made AK47 has doubled to US$700 in the last 6 months. Finally, something to invest in, the Wall St Journal reports.
2 Comments
Need Money, not only is
Need Money, not only is it a crude measurement, but if Chris Martenson's analysis, called Fuzzy Numbers, is to be believed, the US's official figures are now so manipulated as to be almost meaningless.
Another article worth reading http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Arti
Another article worth reading
http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Article10033.html
None of the market reforms
None of the market reforms worked....an indictment of Rogernomics if ever there was one...
The market reforms of the
The market reforms of the Douglas/Richardson era were not given enough time to work. The respective governments got cold feet, and watered down the reforms. Rogernomics gave us a growth spurt, the only sizeable and sustainable one, in decades. Cullen/Clarks legacy is to drop us back into low growth, low productivity, and high government spending and taxation. See Alan Kohler's article, the guy is clued up. The Labour government taxed and spent the bulk of the commodity boom of 1999-2008. Business and productivity were not allowed to grow as much as they could. And now we are left in a far more vulnerable financial state than we should be.
steven You don't sound old
steven
You don't sound old enough to remember pre RD how NZ was but i can tell you you would not be playing on your PS3 without him
Neven
I'd like to say to
I'd like to say to Alan Kohler (that first video):
1) NZ didn't bounce back as far because it didn't fall as far. Less volatility is a GOOD thing.
2) NZ is expected to be in recession for a while because we're HONEST. Everyone else will also be in recession that long, but they LIE about it and claim they will pop out, when it's clear they won't. Being in a country with honesty is a GOOD thing.
3) True on the third point. NZ hasn't kept up. This is clearly a direct result of an increased redistribution of wealth with total taxation beyond 40%. Bringing this back down closer to 20% will kick-start us. National/ACT are the only parties with the guts to do that, given that it means kicking people off the dole. And they got elected. That's a GOOD thing.
I agree with Kohler and
I agree with Kohler and the OECD - the reforms genrally did not work.
Take the RMA 1991, a classic product of the reformist era - indeed according to Simon Upton, never in the history of government reform had so many other pieces of legislation been repealed, nor so much been analysed and written about the subsequent re-shaping of the new legislative and accountability environment.
The basic idea was to allow for an 'anything goes' approach to natural and physical resource management provided a development/resource use proposal could demonstrate its ability to avoid, remedy or mitigate adverse effects ('externalities') on the environment. In short - the objective was to get away from what was considered a prescriptive regime (the Town and Country Planning Act) and into one which rewarded entreprenurialism and innovation by private sector landowners.
What have been the results? Environmental degradation accellerated on most indicator accounts, infrastructure expenditure and maintance on 'core' service areas by local authorities declined, monitoring and enforcement took a back seat to "place shaping" strategic exercises, the cost and timeframe to development increased, biodiversity suffered serious blows as plant and animal pest control became fragmented. and the list goes on and on.
Then there is telecommunications reform - where BellSouth was held up for years in terms of establishing a second cellular network - and the total cockup with respect to number portability.
Then there were the electricity reforms .... need I go on?
About all that 'worked' from that period is that we were able to reduced our current account deficit through asset sales, albeit at fire sale prices, and to in many cases (Faye Richwhite for example) unscrupulus business interests.
Kate how can you say
Kate how can you say you agree with Kohler and the OECD then go on to talk about entirely different items. Have you read what they wrote at all?
Bullitt -only read what was
Bullitt -only read what was reported of the OECD report. I didn't see any reference to specific legislative Acts. And the Kohler report states;
"The OECD report pitilessly reveals New Zealand's woes: apart from the vulnerability to external shocks because of the current account deficits, now at 8.9 per cent of GDP, the policy reforms of 1980s and 1990s have completely failed, leaving NZ productivity and standard of living near the bottom of the OECD tables."
All the legislative reforms I've mentioned above are from the 1980 and 1990s. (Although I think Shipley had rolled Bolger by the time Bradford had his way with the eletricity sector).
Kate - the RMA reforms
Kate - the RMA reforms didnt work as well as hoped for - to a very large extent because Simon Upton lacked the political management skills to deal with the cultural change required by those associated with the administration of the new legislation.
Putting it as diplomatically as possible - Simon is an "intellectual". He completely lacked any "street smarts".
We needed someone in that position, at the time, with real political management skills. But that didnt happen - unfortunately.
Then of course we had more academic types with the last Labour Government - prolonging and indeed worsening the situation. I refer to this period as "The nine wasted years" - where about all they created was a housing bubble, to fuel the Governments coffers.
Lets hope we have those in place now with the required political management skills - to sort out these problems.
And for what its worth - Australian politics is currently a shambles. Just a ruddy mess - Im sorry to say.
The reforms didn't work, that
The reforms didn't work, that is a fact. Why is another matter and moving forward with some sensible 'how2s' is yet another. Some of you in this thread will have seen reasons I've shared elsewhere, for those that haven't have a look at this:
http://www.interest.co.nz/ratesblog/index.php/2009/04/15/opinion-how-tou...
and in particular have look at the book review I completed (and linked to) for John Kay's book, where he uses Argentina and NZ as examples of countries once rich, but now becoming poor. It's a shame it so obvious to external observers and yet our policy makers over a longer period of time, have not been able to deliver suitable solutions. In fact, don't skimp with just my review, read John Kay's book, it's well worth it. Plus try Bryan Gould's recent effort, "Rescuing the New Zealand Economy: What Went Wrong and What We Can Do to Fix It"
It's about grasping nettles, not kicking political footballs around continuously - and continuously getting no where.
Yes, Les the Bryan Gould
Yes, Les the Bryan Gould book is excellent, a preview here;
http://www.bryangould.net/id59.html
This says it all:
"It is only the ideology of the "free market" fanatics that prevents us from taking these sensible steps."
Hugh, the RMA failure had little to do with Simon himself and most to do with the ideology mentioned above as the basis on which the legislation was crafted - followed by the same ideology applied via interpretation of that text by the Court.
The other book I refer
The other book I refer to in that link above is The Origin of Wealth - Evolution, Complexity, and the Radical Remaking of Economics, by Eric Beinhocker, and regarding Bryan Goulds point:
"It is only the ideology* of the "free market" fanatics that prevents us from taking these sensible steps."
Beinhocker aires a balanced view having shown that the opposite; controlled, centrally planned markets are just as stifling, where he does a useful chapter called "˜Politics and Policy "“ The End of Left versus Right' that includes a very interesting section entitled "˜Left-wing Utopias and Free Market Fantasies'. [Repeating from elsewhere now] "It's not a promotion of Tony Blair's "˜The Third Way' and therefore not simply about profit fuelled socialism and gravitation toward centre politics in the first world. From a complexity point of view, the critique of the left is quite obvious "“ you cannot centrally plan evolution. (Unless your name is God perhaps!) For the right, free markets are not as free, fair and efficient as theory predicts and so dogmatic assertions of "˜leave it to the markets' are as flawed as central planning. Rather the role of the state is to create an institutional framework that supports the evolutionary mechanisms that underpin markets, striking a balance between cooperation and competition while best shaping their character to serve the needs of society."
The question is, how do we get politicians to recoginse that entrenchment in either idealogue* does not seem to be working? Not least of all in NZ. But then make policy that leads to sustainable growth - all while possibly hampered by the combined effects of a unicameral legislature with a seemingly less than effective select committee mechanism, a 3 three electoral cycle dominated by the need to maintain a status quo for the sake of coalition unity under MMP and where most significant debate only seems happen in the electoral campaign - which in the main tend to be 'tax break promise wars' - all while major structural issues with our economy continue to go unaddressed - at least that seems to be the evidence to date.
If it's not these issues, aggregated causes, what is it?
* I think it needs to be recognised if Roger Douglas had not done what he did when he did, NZ would have probably been a real basket case. Sure, there may have been a better way, but it seems to me speed was of the essence as much as functionality. However, once past the remedy stage and before the apparent collective traumatisation of NZ society - what was required?
What still is required - that might work in NZ's context, now?
Les, all the academic writing
Les, all the academic writing I've done suggests it was the speed with which Roger Douglas and cohorts implemented the reforms were indeed the principle reason for the failure of NZ's reform in the longer run.
Comparison's are made with Australia's economic transition where for example, rather than taking the NZ approach (i.e. immediate quashing collective bargaining through Employment Law reform and the ECA) Canberra worked collaboratively over many years with their unions on workplace/employment reform - and hence the reason their wage and productivity outcomes are so much better than ours in the long run.
Same comparisons are made regarding their staged approach to reform of the telecommunications sector - versus our complete one-off abandonment of public ownership and governance.
My observation from inside government was that the religiously zealous fixation with "hands off" imbedded some very poor legislation which was crippling in the short-term, followed up by massive public policy energy being spent on re-regulation via ineffective tweeking (once the market failures were admitted, that is!) over a prolonged period of time - none of which actually served to stave off the economic decline.
In short - Roger Douglas and Treasury's actions in a very short period of time were the conduit of the downfall - and their eagerness to be heralded internationally in terms of the miraculous experiment in reforming NZ was a crime of egoism which hopefully will never be sheeted again on the NZ public.
Kate - point taken. To
Kate - point taken. To my mind, while speed may well have been required, it was the depth of change coupled with the degree of speed and lack of damping associated with say an effective bi-cameral legislature that has led to poor outcomes and trauma of the NZ pysche, which has then led to the introduction of MMP and pendulum swinging tinkering ever since.
Note 19 to chapter 5 in John Kay's book, page 59, where he comments on the reforms and demise of NZ's growth, did not escape my attention:
"There is extensive literature on the New Zealand reforms. Almost all of it congratulatory in tone; the congratulations refer to the fact that the reforms have happened. See for example Evans et al (1996), which is a careful survey of the program, but then derives lessons from the "success" of the reforms without substansive discussion of the effects. Douglas et al (2002) is similar. It is presumably self-evident that the results will be beneficial, and therefore there is no need to enquire into the consequences. This is a feature of much commentary on the American Busness Model."
But how far do we have to sink before the need for effective change in policy actually happens?
Les asks, "But how far
Les asks, "But how far do we have to sink before the need for effective change in policy actually happens?"
It's a very interesting question - which could be re-stated as, What might political decision-making become after neoliberalism?
Tony Blair and Helen Clark thought it might be a 'Third Way' - or as Helen Clark referred to it a "social democracy". I haven't studied it as a political philosophy, but I'm guessing it was a smoke screen developed by some neoliberal 'Think Tank'.
Both their administrations maintained the neoliberal institutions (our Reserve Bank and moneist policy being but one example) whilst 'spinning' the idea of this 'Third Way' being some kind of emancipatory initiative in the delivery of a more socially just society. Given nothing really changed, I think therefore we can count 'Third Way' out in terms of the possibility of delivering the effective change you speak of.
But it's not just NZ that will (as you say) have to sink further before real change happens. But sink we must - because the masses in the rich nations perhaps must first endure the suffering of the poor to change the rhetoric of a socially just society into real action in the true spirit of the concept.
Kate : there is a
Kate : there is a school of thought that Helen Clark's social democracy was to have a permanent Labour government, ruling in conjunction with a plethora of minor allies. From one election to the next only small changes in the mix of minor parties would occur. Here may be where she feels so betrayed by us, the voters, because we could not see her grand design as a wholesome, egalitarian, and sustainable way forward.
A quick look at comparable political systems in Europe and Scandinavia reveals entrenched unemployment (permanently over 10%, prior to the credit crunch recession), massive government bureaucracies and heavy taxation, bolshie and powerful union movements, enemic GDP growth, and low entrepreneurship and capital investment.............Imagine that Queen Helen wished all of this for us !
Roger - whether Helen Clark,
Roger - whether Helen Clark, "wished all of this for us!", or not, we do seem to have most of those chararcteristics, how can it be turned around?
I see little evidence to date, and before the recent election, of the kind of purposeful change of thinking in policy making that is going to be required to reverse our decline.
What can be done to change it?
Kate Tony Blair had what
Kate
Tony Blair had what Helen Clark didn't Oil, Its all very well being a feminist fist in a velvet glove with cohorts of guilt ridden effetes by your side but the rest of us live in the real world.
Having said that even with Oil it doesn't seem politicos can get it right, look to the crashes that will occur in the US, Mexico and UK in the next few years and the common theme....the oil runs out (local and empire)
Neven
Roger and Neven - I
Roger and Neven - I think you miss my point. It doesn't really matter which contemporary politician you want to love or hate - John Key, Helen Clark, Roger Douglas, Ronald Reagan, Bush Sr. and Jr., Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown ... etc - they all answer to the same monetarist neoliberal ideology.
It is the ideology, or more to the point possible alternatives to it, that is the more productive aspect of critical reflection.
I think this is the input Les is seeking.
Kate - correct, and thanks.
Kate - correct, and thanks.
Input on - alternatives to the idealogies, defining the problem, recognition of the type/s of problem/s we have, limitations in terms of context, appreciation of what has and can work and most of all practical business focused 'how2' style policy suggestions - and without continually excusing ourselves for something better with the distance and size facts - it seems to be just a pacifier politicians are continually willing to rely on to dampen our ambitions and not question the status quo too thoughtfully.
However, I'm beginning to think this isn't the right kind of website for that and that it may just reflect what seems most important to most in New Zealand - maintenance of the status quo for the benefit of asset/property holders. It's been interesting from that point of view, sure, but experiencing many discussions gravitating to housing affordability, etc does says as much perhaps as the absence of more critical (and practical) input for ideas sustainable economic development.
Cheers, Les.
Good point Kate. Someone once
Good point Kate. Someone once said ... until the pain of staying the same exceeds the pain of change, nothing changes. A lot of people still in denial, or happy to believe the spin of those with heavy interests in property.
Les and PostD - you've
Les and PostD - you've got it right about maintenance of the status quo!
And you will both appreciate this quote from Thomas Kuhn, philosopher of science (PhD in physics) who brought the notion of "paradigm shift" into being with his thesis on "The Structure of Scientific Revolutions".
He noted that;
Paradigm change is closely aligned to perceptual change and "novelty emerges with difficulty, manifested by resistance, against a background provided by expectation".
The good news is that this economic crisis has indeed created that environment of tension which Kuhn speaks of - so I do have hope that as people's perceptions change (and this type of accessable public forum s a great conduit to precipitate changing perceptions), that we will see paradigmatic change in the way the world (and NZ) organises its affairs.
Kate Is it that they
Kate
Is it that they all answer to "monetarist neoliberal ideology." or that every three years they answer to the great unwashed and the great unwashed don't focus past the fruits of monetarist neoliberal ideology.
Marx said "every [man] loves to labour", I think that has been updated to "every person aspires to a Toyota and a Sony", or "religeon is the opiate of the masses" now equals "A play station 3 is the opiate of the masses"
Neven
That chart doesn't really surprise
That chart doesn't really surprise me much, we just seem to be heading towards being more of a consumer country all the time, without the extra earnings to make up for it.
Shopping is becoming too much of a national pastime.
I wonder if GST was a bad thing, all it did was make the government want people to spend more on junk, so they could get more revenue, so any government isn't going to do anything to discourage consumerism with GST around.
Really like this post, thanks
Really like this post, thanks for writing.
I hate craigslist cause its
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