Budget 2024 will be something of a stop-gap budget designed to halt the growth in government spending under Labour, and deliver a few key campaign promises.
It is in future budgets that Finance Minister Nicola Willis will do most of the longer-term work reshaping the state and its finances.
Speaking at the National Party’s regional conference in Christchurch earlier this month, Willis said she wouldn’t be able to deliver on all her goals in just one budget.
“We’re going to need six, nine, 12 years to fulfil the potential of this economy,” she said.
Her plan is to gradually bring core Crown spending back to roughly 30% of gross domestic product and get core Crown debt below 40%, while also improving core services.
Treasury has forecast spending would be at 33.4% in the year ending June 2024 and core Crown debt would be at 43.5%, with both numbers already set to decline in following years.
But if Willis and her party hope to serve for those four consecutive terms, there will be other issues it will have to tackle — despite not particularly wanting to.
One of these issues is tax reform. While considered to be politically toxic, officials have been asking for it forever and have recently reiterated this despite the Coalition’s unreceptive ears.
First it was the IMF who said reform should be a priority. It suggested introducing capital and land value taxes, lowering the corporate tax rate, and indexing income brackets.
This would make tax revenues more equitable and boost productivity, it said.
A visit from the OECD’s chief economist then echoed that advice. Capital gains on shares and the family home should be taxed but money sitting in pension funds should not be taxed.
Closer to home, Treasury has at least twice advised the new finance minister that a capital gains tax could be key to relieving the fiscal pressure carried by working New Zealanders.
In its first briefing it said fiscal drag had helped the country meet increasing costs but it had also made the tax system less progressive and increased reliance on income taxes.
Its “first best advice” was to begin work on a comprehensive capital gains tax that could help manage differences in corporate and income taxes, while spreading public costs more evenly.
Devil you know
Willis does not seem interested in following this advice but she may be missing a trick.
She has an opportunity to get ahead of her political rivals and design a tax reform package, focused on productivity and lower income taxes, that suits those on the centre-right.
If she doesn’t, it looks increasingly likely that left-leaning parties will bring in a wealth tax the next time the electoral cycle swings in their favour.
All three members of the left bloc, Labour, the Greens, and Te Pāti Māori, sketched out a wealth tax proposal in 2023 and two of them took it all the way to the election.
While taxes on capital have traditionally been vote-losing propositions, that may not always be the case.
More New Zealanders are becoming anxious that society is being permanently divided into two separated classes: those who own property and those who do not.
Kiwi children born to parents who did not have the opportunity to buy cheap assets at the end of the twentieth century often find themselves unable to buy a home and join the first class.
While they don’t get to share so much in the wealth of the nation, they are expected to contribute a growing share of their income to its maintenance.
This is not a politically sustainable arrangement. Bill English, a former Prime Minister and Finance Minister, said so himself late last year.
If the incoming government was not able to make progress on housing affordability, then New Zealand would “certainly” end up with a capital gains and wealth tax.
“Because the people shut out of the market are not going to tolerate another round of house price growth where they're locked out,” English said.
Housing Minister Chris Bishop is undoubtedly pushing in the right direction on housing policy, but his colleagues’ tax policies are pushing back — at least in terms of purchase prices.
A redesign of the tax system seems inevitable at some stage. Parties on the right-hand side of politics ought to decide whether they want to be holding the pen when it happens.
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